The perils of Gandhigiri

Colonel Anil Athale, a Chhatrapati Shivaji Fellow of the United Services Institute, is working on a project on internal security. He is also the coordinator of Pune-based think tank Inpad, affiliated with the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan.

In the early 1930s, when the Nazi pogroms against the Jews had started, a Jewish delegation met Mahatma Gandhi seeking his advice. Gandhi advised the Jews to offer passive-non violent resistance. Over six million Jews perished in concentration camps in Germany, Israel was born, and the Jews swore `never again`.

In 1947, within two months after independence (which, we all are conditioned to believe, came `solely` due to a non-violent struggle), India used its armed forces in Kashmir. Even against the Portuguese in tiny Goa, this technique of non-violent struggle failed and it was the might of the armed forces that liberated Goa in 1961. Despite this overwhelming evidence, Indians cling to the notion of omnipotence of the Gandhian technique.

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There is no doubt about Gandhi`s contribution in making the struggle for independence a mass movement. He was a leader and mobiliser par excellence. But the success of his strategy of non-violence must be seen in the context of a weakened Britain after two world wars and the essential fairness of the British character. What worked against the British, failed against Hitler, the Pakistanis and the Portuguese.

An avowedly Gandhian party has been in power in India for the last five years,  and Gandhigiri is much in vogue. This has been a foreign policy disaster, particularly while dealing with our neighbours.

Let us take Pakistan first. After the 26/11 attack on Mumbai, we have engaged in an  acrimonious exchange with Pakistan, but have been short on action. The situation is reminiscent of the 1960s when every Chinese intrusion produced yet another voluminous `Protest note` by India. We seem to have forgotten the lesson of 1962. With the rapid Talibanisation of Pakistan, we face an imminent danger of armed conflict.

We allowed the blatantly anti-Indian and pro-Chinese Maoists to come to power in Nepal. We have an open border with Nepal,  and easy citizenship rules like between the US and Canada. With this,  it is incumbent on us to insist that Nepal be sensitive to our security concerns. During my recent trip to Kashmir, I was told that most of the terrorists today come to Kashmir via Kathmandu. Our government has forgotten the tough measures taken by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi against Nepal when Kathmandu tried to be extra smart and hobnobbed with the Chinese. But now, under the baleful influence of the Communists,  we have meekly surrendered our interests in Nepal.

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Finally,  Sri Lanka. Our support to a united Sri Lanka is sound policy. Our denial of the demand for a Tamil Eelam and opposition to the LTTE was correct. But having thus supported the Lankans on vital issues, we ought to insist that Colombo opt for provincial autonomy as a solution.

We also have a duty towards the safety of the Lankan Tamils. We cannot deny the ethnic and historical links between Indian and Lankan Tamils. But driven by the memories of Rajiv Gandhi`s  assassination by LTTE, we lost all influence over  Sri Lankan policies and have left the Tamils to the tender mercies of a chauvinist Sinhala army.

It is time we give up Gandhigiri and remember that ancient Indian, Chanakya. Unless we shed this obsession with Gandhi, forget about being a superpower, the Indian elephant will be attacked by the dwarfs in our region and be hamstrung in its response.  

Is it any wonder then that the world does not take us seriously, and the mighty US does not think it important enough to equate us with a calculated and ruthless China?

The million dollar (or rupee) question is: Will these elections produce a strong government with a leader capable of leading and taking tough decisions?

The views expressed are that of the author's and not of Sify.com

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